Many of the problems that led to Guatemala’s civil war not only remain, but in recent years have got even worse. The structural problems of the countryside could be alleviated if Congress approved the National System of Integrated Rural Development Law, but the Chamber of Agriculture remains opposed. Another problem is the increasing influence of multinational firms, which deteriorate the living conditions of many rural communities, further concentrate land ownership and place profit above human needs. The historical period of repression is said to be over, yet in recent years the criminalization of protests by social organizations has increased, as well as states of emergency and violent evictions. Social leaders are also increasingly victims of threats, agression and even murder. Within this dark context, it is necessary to analyze the way in which indigenous and campesino organizations have evolved, in order to identify the strengths and weaknesses of these resistance movements.

In February the Culture secretariat, Breny Cuenca, was dismissed by president Mauricio Funes after only eight months in the job. The presidency claimed Cuenca was not suitable for the post and had lost the president’s confidence. But Cuenca claims she was fired because the executive intended to use the Secretariat for partisan aims which she disagreed with. Cuenca’s appointment was plagued with difficulties from the start.

“My Family Progresses” in Guatemala; “Solidarity Network” in El Salvador; “Let’s Go Forward” in Costa Rica... different names for the same idea: giving money to poor families on the condition that they send their children to school or health centers; a social policy that has been implemented in Latin America for many years, but is only now coming into its own in Central America. Oscar Grajeda, of the Institute for Economic and Social Research (IDIES) at Guatemala’s Rafael Landivar University, is an expert in conditional transfer programs; in this interview he analyzes what they mean for the isthmus countries.